Tag: UNDRIP

This piece names the missing third playbook that keeps big projects moving: the bureaucrat/NGO script that designs process, decides who counts as a “stakeholder,” translates SDG/UNDRIP language into local policy, and turns dissent into KPIs. It shows how consultation often manufactures legitimacy for pre-framed decisions—offering “voice” without leverage—and why the professional middle must stay invisible. The article maps funnel-shaped engagement, hand-picked reps who become the face of consent, and “healing spaces” that defuse organizing power. It then lays out the Consent Equation linking industry’s hard power, community’s soft story, and the bureaucratic machine that stamps “consent.” Readers get red flags and a call to step out of the script and author their own path. Read More...

More Cards, Same Cage: How Bill S-2 Expands the Circle Benwah Sits In asks what Bill S-2 really changes beyond the feel-good talking points. Ottawa and the Senate amendments do fix real harms in Indian Act registration — enfranchisement and the second-generation cut-off — so more people can get status back on paper. But the article argues that the core structure doesn’t move: the Indian Act, Canada Lands, and an UNDRIP-based procedural shield that lets Ottawa and industry say, “we consulted, your leaders agreed, we’re covered.” I tie that directly to Newfoundland, where Jasen Benwah, Mildred Lavers, and Peggy White switch between “community” and “rights-holder” hats while advancing large territorial claims. The bottom line is blunt: expanding the registry can grow paper power for bands and the state more than it grows real sovereignty for ordinary people — more cards, same cage. Read More...

Companion to the “Nothing To Do With Land” series (especially Part 5: The Next Comfort Line – From Programs to Property). This piece uses a joint press release from Three Rivers Mi’kmaq Band and Benoit First Nation as Exhibit A that the “nothing to do with land” story is over. It shows how language about programs, reconciliation, and representation is now being cashed in as a claim to governing authority, unceded territory, and control over consultation through UNDRIP and FPIC. The article argues that once this shift is out in the open, locals need to see how every “programs not property” road quietly ends at the map. Read More...

Part 5 — the final part of this series — traces how comfort language—“healing,” “food security,” and “water protection”—systematically converts participation into jurisdiction. Benevolent programs build dependency through funding and metrics, normalize “stewardship,” and quietly shift land from public/private ownership into managed territory aligned with UNDRIP/SDG/30×30 objectives. The activist-to-manager pipeline turns protest into administration; the rhetorical arc from “nothing to do with land” to “we already have a land base” completes as the boundaries discussed in Part 4 evolve into rules, protocols, and conditional access. Funding and reporting then lock the regime in place, making the final pivot from programs to property feel like moral common sense. Read More...

This article traces how reputations in Newfoundland politics are recycled and scaled beyond local disputes. It follows Tony Cornect’s shift from MHA to FFTNL president, an oral testimony from Garden Hill showing politicians inserting themselves into industry, and the continuity of influence across offices and generations. The piece then reflects on the very meaning of “kingmaker,” introduced to me in 2016 while working at Le Gaboteur. Finally, it connects these local patterns to global ones: Canada’s selective use of UNDRIP, the role of French consulates in Atlantic Canada as external arbiters, and the Canada–Germany hydrogen deal that crowned Newfoundland as Europe’s energy province without local consent. The article argues that, whether in local halls or international boardrooms, kings are appointed — not elected. Read More...