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More Cards, Same Cage: How Bill S-2 Expands the Circle Benwah Sits In asks what Bill S-2 really changes beyond the feel-good talking points. Ottawa and the Senate amendments do fix real harms in Indian Act registration — enfranchisement and the second-generation cut-off — so more people can get status back on paper. But the article argues that the core structure doesn’t move: the Indian Act, Canada Lands, and an UNDRIP-based procedural shield that lets Ottawa and industry say, “we consulted, your leaders agreed, we’re covered.” I tie that directly to Newfoundland, where Jasen Benwah, Mildred Lavers, and Peggy White switch between “community” and “rights-holder” hats while advancing large territorial claims. The bottom line is blunt: expanding the registry can grow paper power for bands and the state more than it grows real sovereignty for ordinary people — more cards, same cage. Read More...

This article takes the neat little meme Jasen Benwah shared — Indian Act control on one side, “inherent law” on the other — and lays it over the real power structures on the Port au Port peninsula. It tracks how Benoit First Nation’s bylaws were bent and then rewritten after a rule-breaking hire, how the band’s rulebook quietly moved from a public website into a paid “fundraiser” book, and how Catherine and Michael Fenwick sit at the intersection of ARCO’s francophone network, local heritage projects, and Benwah’s Mi’kmaq claims. With Ottawa pushing Bill S-2 to expand federal status entitlements after the Nicholas case, the piece asks whether any of that actually puts power back in the hands of ordinary people — or simply reinforces an overlapping circle that already speaks for everyone else. Read More...

This piece shows how Brenda’s “capitalism vs fascism vs democratic socialism” post quietly rewrites Protect NL’s story. This article acknowledges the real rural harm—service cuts, depopulation, and green megaprojects on Crown land—but argues NL already lives in a strong state–corporate system, not pure capitalism. “Democratic socialism,” Norway/Iceland myths, and SDG talk become its soft front, selling more state power while leaving the underlying structure untouched. In the end, the article argues the real question isn’t which label we choose, but whether communities gain actual tools—local veto power, transparency, and independent citizen institutions—to push back against that fused system. Read More...

Companion to the “Nothing To Do With Land” series (especially Part 5: The Next Comfort Line – From Programs to Property). This piece uses a joint press release from Three Rivers Mi’kmaq Band and Benoit First Nation as Exhibit A that the “nothing to do with land” story is over. It shows how language about programs, reconciliation, and representation is now being cashed in as a claim to governing authority, unceded territory, and control over consultation through UNDRIP and FPIC. The article argues that once this shift is out in the open, locals need to see how every “programs not property” road quietly ends at the map. Read More...

Part 5 — the final part of this series — traces how comfort language—“healing,” “food security,” and “water protection”—systematically converts participation into jurisdiction. Benevolent programs build dependency through funding and metrics, normalize “stewardship,” and quietly shift land from public/private ownership into managed territory aligned with UNDRIP/SDG/30×30 objectives. The activist-to-manager pipeline turns protest into administration; the rhetorical arc from “nothing to do with land” to “we already have a land base” completes as the boundaries discussed in Part 4 evolve into rules, protocols, and conditional access. Funding and reporting then lock the regime in place, making the final pivot from programs to property feel like moral common sense. Read More...